The United States is intensively continuing its efforts aiming at mobilizing international and regional support in order to pave the way for a fourth round of UN sanctions against Iran under the American pretext that it failed to cooperate with the international community regarding the nuclear issue! Currently, we are witnessing the continuous and parallel visits by the American diplomacy aiming to reconnect with Internationally or regionally active states in the region at all levels. The target behind these visits is Iran and how to mobilize international support that would manifest in more sanctions the function of which is pushing Iran into reviewing its options regarding its nuclear program.
But the question is: Would the American diplomacy pay off? Or is it going in a vague track ?!
The pursuit:
For so long, U.S. diplomacy has exerted tremendous efforts in order to gain international and regional support towards the Iranian nuclear program. Deputy Secretary of State James Steinberg, and the senior director of the National Security Council for Asian Affairs Jeffrey Bader are currently holding talks with Chinese officials about Iran's nuclear program. It is worth mentioning that Steinberg is the highest U.S. diplomat to visit Beijing since the strained relations between the two countries, following the eruption of many controversial issues such as, trade, Tibet, and arms deals with Taiwan.
On the same track, the visits of the American Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to Latin American countries seek the support of those States, especially Brazil, being a rising power in Latin America, and a non-permanent member of the Security Council, in order to strengthen the American position inside and outside the Security Council. The United States maintains diplomatic channels open for communication with European countries and Russia regarding Iran.
It is planned that U.S. Vice President Joe Biden visit the Middle East, and his top priority would be the Iranian nuclear file, in addition to the other relevant issues in the region.
The question is: Will these visits lead to tangible solutions, or are they no more but ways to take away blames against the U.S. administration?
Suspected Efforts, and the Vague Track:
Many researchers question the course of U.S. efforts that rally international support against Iran, and their evidence is the declarations made by U.S. officials, or by State officials that the U.S. administration consults, which clearly reflect that there is no international consensus to confront Iran as yet.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has declared: " obtaining a resolution from the Security Council to impose sanctions on Iran could take months”. Beijing, on the other hand, has received visits by U.S. diplomats clearly and explicitly adhering to its principle position regarding the crisis of the Iranian nuclear file, which demonstrates that diplomacy is the best way to resolve the conflict with Iran.
As for Russia, who some see as drawing near to the American attitude regarding the Iranian nuclear program, it has expressed its position through the Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, who said: "We will concentrate all efforts to reach political and diplomatic solutions. Efforts have not yet been exhausted."
As for the reasons that drive us to question the course of U.S. efforts in rallying an international consensus against Iran, they are as the following:
• The decline in the United States’ global leadership: America is no longer capable of taking decisions on its own, and perhaps for this reason the U.S. administration is keen to develop an international consensus as it’s no more willing to gamble on a new individual adventure resembling Bush’s in dealing with Iran.
• The challenging attitude that Iran is adopting in dealing with the United States, which emanates from subjective and objective elements of strength that Iran owns in the face of American pressure.
• The absence of a unified vision for regional and international active players regarding the Iranian nuclear program, which complicates U.S. efforts that concentrate on resolving the contradictions of these countries.
• Some suggest that the nuclear file, despite the obvious efforts of U.S. diplomacy, is not a central issue to the U.S. administration. It is preoccupied with more crucial issues such as the American domestic situation and the relationship with internationally emerging powers. Moreover, proponents of this trend observe a rise in talks in research centers over the acceptance of a nuclear Iran and the benefits of this to the American Administration. This proves that the American administration is not very much interested in the Iranian nuclear issue. They say, if the Iranian nuclear file is on top of the American priorities, we would have seen a stricter attitude by the American administration. Based on this view, American efforts are mere ways to lift the blame off U.S. administration for not taking up its responsibility as it interfered in Iran's nuclear program, and rather to blame international parties for the failure of its efforts preparing the regional and international attitudes for a nuclear Iran.
The dispute does not end with regard to the Iranian nuclear file; it is still open for another question: Did the American administration really accept the idea of a nuclear Iran, and does this attitude speed solving the nuclear issue or not?
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